Book title

Is Bakhtiar dead?

William H Payne and Arthur R Morales

True story of how Zbigniew Brzezinski and Jimmy Carter got caught committing criminal genocide
by inciting Saddam Hussein to attack Iran. A fifteen year legal battle with the feds.

First posted
Saturday February 3, 2007 07:39
Updated
ThursdayApril 19, 2007 08:33


----- Original Message -----
From:
To: "bill payne"
Sent: Thursday, March 01, 2007 7:53 PM
Subject: Re: nuclear retaliation?


Not even the most astute analysts of geopolitics are stating what they think is going to happen. There are very good arguments on both sides: That this is all saber-rattling, and the U.S. won't attack Iran. But the situation is looking pretty ominous. There are no troops with which to fight a ground war, so it would have to involve bombing of some sort, but an escalated conflict internationally would certainly distract from what I do believe is a deepening recession that will ultimately lead to something far worse than the Great Depression. The Democrats are so totally in bed with Bush on Iraq that we can't expect ANY opposition from them except for the furthest lefties like Kucinich, Feingold, Ron Paul, Barbara Boxer, Lynn Woolsey, etc.



-------Original Message-------
From: bill payne
Subject: Re: nuclear retaliation?
Sent: 02 Mar '07 04:43

what do you think is going to happen?

In preparation for the Nino [thinks with other head] genocide criminal complaint affidavit, we're quizzing authors as to their knowledge of what happened.

Our complaint is Scalia not properly processing our Rule 22 writ to void judgments and properly processing criminal complaint affidavits.

So we will see Nino does with this visibile genocide criminal complaint affidavit.


----- Original Message -----
From: To: "bill payne"
Sent: Thursday, March 01, 2007 9:42 AM
Subject: Re: nuclear retaliation?

Yup to both

-------Original Message-------
From: bill payne
Subject: nuclear retaliation?
Sent: 01 Mar '07 18:40

I read [link to article at Peak Oil]

Do you Iran? And do you know about the spy sting on Iran?

THE UNDERTAKER'S TALLY, Part 2
The power and the glory

By Roger Morris

Envoy

As it was, despite his business conquests, Rumsfeld missed an even greater prize. He had been on a short list to become Ronald Reagan's running mate in the 1980 presidential campaign when the candidate unexpectedly reached for his defeated primary rival (and Rumsfeld nemesis) George H W Bush. While, over the next 12 years, Bush went on to the vice presidency and presidency, and Jim Baker - equally detested by Rumsfeld - went along with his patron to White House staff and cabinet power, Rumsfeld would build his Searle fortune and bide his time.

The one exception to his involuntary Reagan-era exile from government would be a stint in 1983-84 as special presidential envoy to the Middle East. He would be sent to arrange US support for Saddam Hussein's Iraq in its war with the hated Iranians of ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, a role little noticed at the time, which nonetheless produced the notorious photo of Rumsfeld shaking hands with the Iraqi dictator. The deeper story was far more embarrassing than any simple handshake.

Most of the relevant records on Rumsfeld's several-month assignment are still classified, though it is clear that, as at the Office of Equal Opportunity, he took on his mission with a passion. He worked to shower on Saddam (in a manner as unnoticed as possible) an infamous flow of intelligence, financial credits, and sensitive materials and technology that would come to underpin Iraqi chemical- and bacteriological-warfare programs, leading to hideous gas attacks on Shi'ite dissidents and Kurds as well as the Iranian forces. In general, Rumsfeld put his shoulder to the wheel to shore up the war-worn Ba'athist regime that had attacked Iran in 1980.

In this mid-1980s de facto alliance with Saddam, as in much else, Rumsfeld was never alone. He was joined in this pro-Iraqi tilt in the Middle East by president Reagan, vice president Bush, secretary of state George Shultz, defense secretary Caspar Weinberger, national security advisers William Clark and Robert McFarlane, and a number of still obscure men like Paul Wolfowitz at State, Colin Powell, then Weinberger's aide at the Pentagon, and assistant secretary of defense Richard Perle, not to speak of his zealot acolyte assistant Douglas Feith (who would return in a pivotal post under Rumsfeld in 2001) as well as Bill Casey and Robert Gates at the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), among other officials.

Their gambit was, in turn, backed by senators and congressmen in both parties who were briefed on Rumsfeld's mission and obligingly shunned oversight of the manifold aspects of the sometimes illegal collusion with the Iraqis. Their dereliction was assured, in part, by the general animus toward Iran on a Capitol Hill then in effect controlled by the Republicans, and increasingly under the bipartisan influence of the growing Israeli lobby and its Tel Aviv handlers. The lobby quietly, cynically pushed both for Reagan administration aid to Iraq and for covert arms-dealing with Iran (later exposed in the Iran-Contra scandal), viewing the ongoing no-winners carnage of two Islamic states as a boon. All this went on largely unreported, given the customary US media diffidence or indolence on national-security issues.

Historically, the moral outrage and far-reaching political folly of Washington's furtive arming of one tyranny to bleed another, with untold casualties on each side (including the murderous suppression of would-be democrats in both countries), would belong at the doorstep of Reagan's reactionary regime and the Washington foreign-policy establishment as a whole. Rumsfeld's role was instrumental and in some respects crucial, but only part of the larger disgrace.

At the same time, in the intelligence briefings he received as the first ranking US official to go to Iraq since the Baghdad Pact of the 1950s, he would have been uniquely aware, as no other senior figure in Washington, of the brutal character of Saddam Hussein's regime and, in particular, the sectarian, regional, tribal and clan politics that lay behind it. The Ba'athists were a government, after all, that the CIA itself had helped to recruit and install in the coup of 1963, reinstalled in 1968 when the agency's original clients lost control, and then watched closely while Baghdad had a flirtation (involving an arms-supply relationship) with the feared Russians (whose influence the bloody 1963 coup was supposed to counter). This was particularly true in the aftermath of the Arab-Israeli War of 1973 with its peace agreements from which Iraq emerged as a principal remaining challenge to Israel.

By 1983-84, the volatile, complex currents of Iraq's political culture, Saddam's essentially family and clan rule, and the now crude, now subtle layering of Sunni and Shi'ite in the Ba'athist bureaucracy and plutocracy, as well as the wartime distrust and savage repression of a suspect, subordinate Shi'ite majority, were well known to outside intelligence agencies as well as scholars and journalists. The CIA, Defense Intelligence Agency and State Department Bureaus of Near Eastern Affairs and Intelligence and Research - and certainly Rumsfeld as presidential envoy - also had reason to understand much about Saddam's grandiose ambition, in Iraq's old rivalry with Egypt, to lead a pan-Arab nationalist renaissance to some kind of future parity with Israel's nuclear-armed military might.

In addition to the usual extensive intelligence-sharing with Israel's Mossad, less than two years before Rumsfeld's Iraq mission CIA operatives had literally lit the way for Israeli F-16 fighter-bombers in their June 1981 surprise attack on Saddam's fledgling nuclear reactor at Osirak. They planted guidance transmitters along the low-level flight path under Jordanian and Iraqi radar to the point of painting the target with lasers. The CIA and Mossad then watched as the Iraqis dauntlessly, defiantly began to rebuild and expand their nuclear program. From some 400 scientists and technicians with $400 million in funding, that program would grow to perhaps 7,000 scientists and technicians with as much as $10 billion at their command, some of which was indirectly made possible by the bounty Rumsfeld carried to Baghdad in the mid-1980s

For anyone dealing seriously with these issues, there could have been little doubt that Saddam would use the considerable aid and trade Rumsfeld was sliding his way under the table to mount a better-armed, more bloody war on Iran, to further the regime's most ambitious dreams of weapons development, and to tyrannize all the more savagely potentially rebellious Iraqi Shi'ites and Kurds. As Washington watched, he did all of that - and no one could have been less surprised than Rumsfeld himself. Long afterward, as some of the ugly essence of his mission to Baghdad dribbled out amid the ruins of President George W Bush's Iraqi occupation, Rumsfeld would be faulted for pandering to, and appeasing, Saddam (whose gassing of the Kurds had already begun) - in the wake of a single, timorous, hypocritical statement issued in Washington in March 1984 criticizing his use of chemical weapons. The actual toll of the policy to which he was integral would prove so much higher as time passed.

Iraqi chemical-weapons plants bombed in the 1991 Gulf War released agents to which some 100,000 US troops were exposed. The infamous Gulf War Syndrome might even be traced in some measure to the US credits, materiel and technology Rumsfeld had knowingly conveyed seven years before. So, too, of course, could Saddam's brutal 1980s repression of the Shi'ites, underlying the sectarian animus and resolve for vengeance and dominance by the US-installed Shi'ite regime after 2003 that shaped Rumsfeld's, and America's, historic failure in Iraq.

Others colluded at every turn in the long scandal of policy toward Iraq. Colin Powell, then the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and Dick Cheney, as secretary of defense during the first Gulf War, would, for instance, be directly complicit in the syndrome outrage. Yet none of the participants in the larger disaster after September 11, 2001, was more directly responsible than Rumsfeld.

While Reagan's special envoy was, with his usual energy and sharp elbows, dickering with the Iraqis in the mid-1980s, Condoleezza Rice was an assistant professor of no scholarly distinction at Stanford; Cheney a third-term congressman from Wyoming squirming up the House leadership ladder; future viceroy of Baghdad L Paul "Jerry" Bremer moving from State Department clerk and Alexander Haig protege to lavish-party-giving ambassador to the Netherlands; and George W Bush, still by his own account given to "heavy drinking", absorbed in changing the name of his chronically failed Arbusto Energy oil company to Bush Exploration.



For the general Leonid Ivashov, the former Chief of the Russian armed forces’ Staff, it is doubtless that the Bush administration plans nuclear attacks against Iran and that the Pentagon will be capable to carry them out within the few coming weeks.

THE UNDERTAKER'S TALLY, Part 1
Donald Rumsfeld's sharp elbows

By Roger Morris

Why we fight. Small world considering that classmate Fred Fair went to Nixon's funeral with Taos, NM neighbor Donald Rumsfeld.

Tomgram: Roger Morris on Donald Rumsfeld's Long March

Criminals Control the Executive Branch
by Paul Craig Roberts

Which king Jordanian king incited Saddam Hussein to invade Iran at insistence of Carter and Brzezinski?

We are working on this. Using google, of course.

After Hussein reached 18, he ruled Jordan as king from 1953 to 1999, ...

King Abdullah II succeeded his father Hussein following the latter's death in February 1999. Abdullah moved quickly to reaffirm Jordan's peace treaty with Israel and its relations with the United States. Abdullah, during the first year in power, refocused the government's agenda on economic reform.

As-Sayyid Muhammad Abdullah II bin al-Hussein al Hashimi, King of Jordan (born January 30, 1962 in Amman, Jordan), is the current King of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. He has reigned since the death of his father, King Hussein bin Talal, on February 7, 1999.

Antoinette Avril Gardiner ('Toni Gardiner'), (born Chelmondiston, England, 1941, styled H.R.H. Princess Muna al-Hussein (May 25, 1961. An award-winning field hockey player, former typist, and daughter of a British army officer turned innkeeper, Lieutenant-Colonel Walter Percy Gardiner, she was given the title Her Royal Highness Princess Muna al-Hussein and retained this title after they divorced in 1972.

It is often thought that Princess Muna al-Hussein never converted to Islam. However, the Jordanian Constitution at Chapter VI Part I Article 28e specifically requires that every person with rights of succession to the Jordainan throne be born of a legitimate wife who is Muslim. The fact that the current King (Abdullah II) is the son of Princess Muna al-Hussein proves that Princess Muna did, indeed, convert to Islam. If Muna had not converted to Islam Abdullah II, Prince Faisal and their issue would not have the hereditary rights that they enjoy.

Children: His Majesty Abdullah II, King of The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan (born 1962). The current King of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan.

Nino [thinks with other head] is about to get one of the worst genocide criminal complaint affidavits in history.

On September 10, 1960, Scalia married Maureen McCarthy, an English major at Radcliffe College. Together they have nine children – Ann Forrest, Eugene (labor attorney, former Solicitor of the Department of Labor), John Francis, Catherine Elisabeth, Mary Clare, Paul David (now a priest in the Catholic Diocese of Arlington at St. Rita's Catholic Church), Matthew (a West Point graduate and Army officer currently serving in ROTC at the University of Delaware), Christopher James (Currently at the University of Wisconsin, and Margaret Jane (Studying at the University of Virginia Law School).

Shall we see if Nino [thinks with other head] Scalia can stop possible revenge [retaliation better word?]?

Let's discuss this with Nino in writing, of course. VERIFIED True/false or multiple choice questionnaire is the only way to prevent lawyers from dodging questions.

To see if Nino understands criminal complaint affidavit.

Author Nelson DeMille illustrates lawyer question dodging. "We're not going to respond to that." Wild Fire is recommended reading or listening.


Three former senior U.S. military officials warn that any military action against Iran would have "disastrous consequences" and urged Washington to hold immediate and unconditional talks with Tehran.

Set Your Intention to Stop an Attack on Iran
By Mac McKinney

Six Lies You Shouldn't Believe About Iran, Especially Since, Hey, There's People Down Here.
By Rosa Schmidt Azadi

Iran: A War Is Coming
by John Pilger

The United States is planning what will be a catastrophic attack on Iran. .....

Visibility links

[edit] Failed Nojeh Coup

In July 1980, Zbigniew Brzezinski of the United States met Jordan's King Hussein in Amman to discuss detailed plans for Saddam Hussein to sponsor a coup in Iran against Khomeini. King Hussein was Saddam's closest confidant in the Arab world, and served as an intermediary during the planning. The Iraqi invasion of Iran would be launched under the pretext of a call for aid from Iranian loyalist officers plotting their own uprising on July 9, 1980 (codenamed Nojeh, after Shahrokhi/Nojeh air base in Hamedan). The Iranian officers were organized by Shapour Bakhtiar, who had fled to France when Khomeini seized power, but was operating from Baghdad and Sulimaniyah at the time of Brzezinski's meeting with Hussein. However, Khomeini learned of the Nojeh Coup plan from Soviet agents in France and Latin America. Shortly after Brzezinski's meeting with Hussein, the President of Iran, Abolhassan Bani-Sadr quietly rounded up 600 of the loyalist plotters within Iran, putting an effective end to the Nojeh Coup.[5] Saddam decided to invade without the Iranian officers' assistance, beginning the Iran-Iraq war on 22 September 1980.

Echelon

Even before the body of former I ranian prime minister Shahpour Bakhtiar had been found in Paris, his murderers were stopped by Swiss customs. On 7 August 1991, a day before the body was found, Teheran sent an (encrypted) message to its diplomatic missions in London, Paris, Bonn, and Geneva asking “Is Bakhtiar dead?” Then, French authorities monitored all communications from public phone booths on the Paris-Geneva highway, and intercepted a call from the perpetrators to the I ranian diplomatic mission in Geneva, essentially solving the murder before its discovery. The interception of the I ranian communications was part of a US-led global surveillance system that has been operated since at least the early 1980s. Designed by the US National Security Agency, the ECHELON system regularly intercepts e-mail, fax, telex, and telephone communications around the world. The countries of the UKUSA signals intelligence agreement – the US, the UK, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand – operate an extensive network of stations that intercept the communications carried by Intelsat and other satellites, as well as those transported over land-based microwave networks. The intelligence agencies of the countries each scan the intercepts for key words, organized in a wide range of categories, that include names, addresses, and places of interests. (Although it may not yet be feasible to thus scan all spoken messages, high-volume voicerecognition technology may soon be capable of processing most telephone conversations as efficiently as written messages can be scanned nowadays.) Subsequently, with ‘intelligent’ agents based on statistical methods and neural networks, key words and their combinations are looked for to select the most interesting messages. These are forwarded to the headquarters, where specialists read them and act accordingly. Despite earlier publications – as early as 1988, Duncan Campbell reported on ECHELON in the New Statesman – ECHELON only gained publicity in 1996 with the publication of extensive details by Nicky Hager, who had interviewed many New Zealand intelligence staff members. With the publication of a European Parliament document in early 1998, in which Hager’s findings were repeated (along with a frightening number of other surveillance and control technologies), the global surveillance system seemed to receive wider attention by the institutions that safeguard democracy. So far, however, UKUSA governments seem to simply and happily continue global monitoring. Although since the end of the Cold War, the global surveillance systems have often been justified by the need to fight terrorism and to facilitate economic intelligence, according to Nicky Hager, “by far, the main priorities of the intelligence alliance continue to be political and military intelligence to assist the larger allies to pursue their interests around the world. Anyone and anything the particular governments are concerned about can become a target.” Thus, for instance, GCHQ, the UK intelligence agency, intercepted the communications of Amnesty International and Christian Aid. Incidentally, one might expect ECHELON to suffer from large-scale encryption by governments, who in diplomacy and state secrets after all are well-known users of robust cryptography. Of course, the NSA had reckoned with that. A report by Wayne Madsen of 1998 revealed that for decades, the US government had routinely decrypted top-secret messages of 120 countries through a secret agreement with Swiss crypto producer Crypto AG. Their machines had been manipulated so that the secret key would be automatically and clandestinely transmitted with each message. The Iranian authorities, after the Bakhtiar killing, felt that their encryption scheme had been cracked, and they arrested Hans Buehler, Crypto AG’s marketing representative in Teheran. He was questioned for five hours a day for nine months, but he apparently did not know the equipment was bugged. In 1994, two I ranians were convicted for Bakhtiar’s murder, but the third, Zeynold Abedine Sarhadi, was acquitted. Madsen suggests one of the reasons may have been a tacit agreement to spare Sarhadi in order to avoid having to use the intercepted and decrypted communications as evidence.

Eric Margolis [send him mail], contributing foreign editor for Sun National Media Canada has an idea about what to do about it.

In 1980, the US and Britain engineered Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Iran in an attempt to crush its new revolutionary Islamic government. That war inflicted nearly one million casualties on Iran. President Ahmadinejad led volunteers in the war.


Imam ghoft een rezhim-e ishghalgar-e qods bayad az safheh-ye ruzgar mahv shavad.

The most infamous quote, "Israel must be wiped off the map", is the most glaringly wrong. In his October 2005 speech, Mr. Ahmadinejad never used the word "map" or the term "wiped off". According to Farsi-language experts like Juan Cole and even right-wing services like MEMRI, what he actually said was "this regime that is occupying Jerusalem must vanish from the page of time."

DID AHMADINEJAD REALLY CALL TO "WIPE ISRAEL OFF THE MAP?

[edit] Failed Nojeh Coup

In July 1980, Zbigniew Brzezinski of the United States met Jordan's King Hussein in Amman to discuss detailed plans for Saddam Hussein to sponsor a coup in Iran against Khomeini. King Hussein was Saddam's closest confidant in the Arab world, and served as an intermediary during the planning. The Iraqi invasion of Iran would be launched under the pretext of a call for aid from Iranian loyalist officers plotting their own uprising on July 9, 1980 (codenamed Nojeh, after Shahrokhi/Nojeh air base in Hamedan). The Iranian officers were organized by Shapour Bakhtiar, who had fled to France when Khomeini seized power, but was operating from Baghdad and Sulimaniyah at the time of Brzezinski's meeting with Hussein. However, Khomeini learned of the Nojeh Coup plan from Soviet agents in France and Latin America. Shortly after Brzezinski's meeting with Hussein, the President of Iran, Abolhassan Bani-Sadr quietly rounded up 600 of the loyalist plotters within Iran, putting an effective end to the Nojeh Coup.[5] Saddam decided to invade without the Iranian officers' assistance, beginning the Iran-Iraq war on 22 September 1980.

Saddam should face trial for his many crimes, but in a proper legal venue, under full western and international law. The trial should be moved at once to the UN tribunal at the Hague. A fair trial will establish an important international legal precedent.

Dead dictators tell no tales. If allowed to fully testify, Saddam would reveal the whole sordid story of America's long, intimate collaboration with his regime, and how the U.S. and British governments of Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher encouraged, armed and financed Iraq to invade Iran.

**** Margolis above statement looks to be incorrect. Timing is wrong. Carter, Brzezinski, and other appear to have incited Saddam Hussein in attack Iran April 19, 2007 ****

Saddam Hussein hanged

Goal achived. Payne [45 days younger] outlived Saddam. See.

Albuquerque Journal Saturday December 30, 2006.

Payne born June 11, 1937.

Legendary Taos, New Mexico pilot Fred Fair, Rumsfeld neighbor, friend, and business associate matriculates at Whitman College in 1957.

Fair forwards below link January 3, 2007.

http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=4332830819848713435&hl=en


Our legal fight with the feds is only possible with Internet. The feds are likely plotting how to stop this type assault against them in the future. "They are stupid, but not that stupid." to quote msm Albuquerque Tribune reporter Larry Spohn. Payne talked to Spohn again about a newspaper article.

Payne is graduated from Whitman college 1959.

Payne completes PhD final examination at Purdue in December 1963.

Payne leaves Washington State University in 1979.

Payne goes to work for Sandia National Laboratories in September 1980.

After getting Saddam to invade Iran in 1980, and funding the ensuing eight-year Iran-Iraq war, the U.S. now watches helplessly as Iran slowly ingests large portions of Iraq.

For a start, consider Iran. The 1980-88 war with Iraq saw an astonishing sacrifice of life. Not the least astonishing was the Iranian technique for clearing mines: It has now become accepted folklore that Iranian military leaders marched children through the minefields, with everyone content in the knowledge that those who died would get a quick passage to heaven.

John Gray, Canadian journalist

1 Oil, Power & Empire relevant information
2 Fueling the Iran-Iraq Slaughter
3 How the spy sting on Iran story got out
4 COMPLAINT FOR INJUNCTIVE RELIEF - Cryptome,
COMPLAINT FOR INJUNCTIVE RELIEF - Austria or COMPLAINT FOR INJUNCTIVE RELIEF

5 NSA, Crypto AG, and the Iraq-Iran Conflict
5A Hang Times: A Whitewash of White House Complicity
5B Bush Silences a Dangerous Witness
5C Hussein the Rabbit
5D Saddam's Gone, but G. W. Doombringer remains
5E U.S. buries truth: Saddam's execution eliminates main witness against accomplices
5F The U.S. sought to cover up its own crimes through the execution of Saddam
5G The Curse of Saddam
6 The Swiss Radio International broadcasted two English programs about Crypto AG
7 Baltimore Sun NSA articles series
9 Sleepless in Seattle, Silkwood, When Harry Met Sally on Rumsfeld [see Rummy's fence comment]